CONCLUSIONS OF DELIBERATIONS BY THE
INTERACTION POLICY BOARD
ON REGIONAL CONFLICTS IN AFRICA
THE CASE OF SUDAN
Harare, Zimbabwe
22 March 1988
After listening to the statements of the representatives of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Sudan People's Liberation Army and the National Popular Delegation from the Sudan, the Board and the Council members expressed their appreciation for the desire of both parties to seek a peaceful settlement of the conflict. Their positive response to the Board's invitation to participate in the consideration of the conflict was a clear demonstration of that desire.
Following an exchange of views on the situation, the Board decided:
1. To appeal to both sides to continue their efforts in search of a peaceful resolution of the conflict and, in particular, to promote dialogue and negotiation at the highest level.
2. To appeal to both sides to allow the delivery of badly needed food and other relief supplies to reach the starving and dying civilian population in the war-stricken South.
3. To support the mediation and conciliation efforts of General Obasanjo and Dr. Francis Deng and, in particular, to encourage them to go a step further in identifying the issues, the positions of the parties on those issues, and alternative grounds for a peaceful solution.
4. To establish a small Committee, whose membership will include, in addition to General Obasanjo and Dr. Francis Deng, Dr. Kurt Furgler, Mr. Pierre Trudeau, Dr. Manuel Ulloa and Dr. Schimberni, to mobilize resources from the international community for war-time relief and post-war rehabilitation, reconstruction and equitable development aimed at bridging the disparities that have contributed greatly to the root causes of the conflict.
.RECOMMENDATION OF THE INTERACTION POLICY BOARD TO THE INTERACTION COUNCIL
STATEMENT ON SOUTHERN AFRICA
Harare, Zimbabwe
22 March 1988
Alarmed by the progressive deterioration of the situation in South Africa, Namibia and the Frontline States, we met in Harare, Zimbabwe from 20-22 March to review events. To this end, we invited a broad cross-section of political opinion from within South Africa and from the region as a whole to present their assessment of the current situation.
We were privileged to have the benefit of the views of fourteen distinguished individuals (see attached list) and were impressed by the perspectives they were able to bring on the issues affecting the region.
Regrettably, a number of invitees, notably from the UDF, the churches and the trade unions, were unable to obtain their passports and were thus prevented from meeting us. Others, including two Government Ministers, declined our invitation outright.
Nevertheless, from our discussions we were able to conclude that the situation within South Africa had deteriorated to such an extent as to put in serious doubt hopes of an early and peaceful end to apartheid. This is evident from
the now all-encompassing application of emergency rule throughout the country and the resultant increase in authoritarian rule and the violent suppression of all opposition based on an aggressive military and police establishment;
the denial of all fundamental freedoms to the black population including the arrest, torture and detention of children and the intimidation and silencing of black African
leaders, especially churchmen, advocating only those human rights which the rest of the world regards as axiomatic;
the blanket imposition of an indiscriminate system of censorship on the national and international media;
We condemn unreservedly the measures taken by the South African Government on 24 February 1988 in banning seventeen organisations and thereby effectively criminalising all peaceful protest.
Furthermore, external funds, from Europe and elsewhere, intended to assist the victims of apartheid, including education and training, have been put in jeopardy as a result of pending legislation. We consider that fresh avenues must be found, possibly through private corporations, to maintain and increase the flow of this support. It remains a vital investment in post-apartheid South Africa.
The death penalty imposed on the Sharpeville Six is a glaring example of judicial arbitrariness against the black community. We trust that the injustice to which they have been subjected will now end and they should be released.
Clearly, the Government of South Africa is determined to continue defying world opinion. Its actions constitute a permanent threat to the front-line states, Africa as a whole and world peace. In the absence of dialogue and negotiations between the Government and the black majority, we are afraid that armed struggle, bloodshed and destruction may very well increase.
All of us - and all to whom we spoke - were agreed that the conditions for dialogue do not at present exist. In 1986, the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group (EPG) had tried to initiate a process of dialogue, across lines of race, politics and religion, with the aim of establishing a non-racial, democratic and representative government in South Africa. The South African Government had then, and has repeatedly since, demonstrated its unwillingness to come to the negotiating table, or take meaningful steps to end apartheid. Such reforms as had been undertaken had been largely cosmetic, leaving the essentials of the apartheid system intact.
The worsening and increasingly desperate circumstances of the black population make today urgent and meaningful changes every more necessary. The international community cannot stand idly by. It must act effectively to induce tangible change. Public opinion will be a key to building further pressure. We will do whatever we can contribute to apprise the leader of the major trading partners of South Africa of the dire consequences of a continuation of the policies of apartheid. Equally, business leaders from industrialized countries with economic interests in South Africa should broaden their understanding of the wider dimensions of their involvement and the long-term prospects for the country.
We have on several occasions on the past stated that if the South African Government failed to end apartheid countries exercising leverage by virtue of their trade and economic relations with South Africa should impose stringent, co-ordinated, sustained and effective sanctions thereby increasing the price of apartheid, inducing change and demonstrating solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa. Nothing has changed our view and it must be noted that haphazard and halfhearted application of sanctions cannot be expected to be effective.
Any application of sanctions must be accompanied by positive compensatory measures by the international community to fortify the economies of the frontline states and thus to help them to withstand any retaliation by South Africa.
Until such time that the United Nations Security Council finds itself in a position to take the necessary collective measures under the Charter, all countries, especially the industrialized world, should increase the pressure on South Africa. We urge the adoption and widening of a sanctions package, at a minimum, in line with the measures adopted by the United States Congress in the context of increasing the economic pressure on the South African regime, thus raising the price of apartheid and providing incentives for good faith negotiations.
In securing action by the Security Council, its permanent members bear a special responsibility. Joint initiatives by the Soviet Union and the United States might also help to advance that process, in particular at a time where the leaders of both countries appear to favor the resolution of regional conflicts.
Years of "constructive engagement" have yielded no visible fruit in Namibia, Angola or in South Africa itself. But, in the absence of effective international pressure, it has provided the Government of South Africa with the repeated opportunity of postponing any real change.
In the region as a whole, it is clear that the Government of South Africa has escalated its war of aggression against its neighbours, causing particular havoc in Mozambique and Angola and disrupting the economies and prospects for development of all the Frontline States. The extension of apartheid's malevolent reach into the territories of its neighbours is designed to disrupt their economies and undermine their national integrity. While welcome assistance has been rendered in recent years to the Frontline States, it falls far short of their needs. Urgent and sustainable assistance is required to meet the twin challenges of military and economic aggression. We therefore urge that a comprehensive assessment of their economic and security needs be immediately undertaken. Once those needs have been identified, the international community should commit itself to speedily provide the necessary resources for a comprehensive international aid programme for the Frontline States.
We understand that the potential exists for a disengagement agreement between Angola, Cuba and South Africa and with the United States as mediator. We call on South Africa not to hinder this process and we urge its speedy completion so that Angola may be free from the burden of foreign intervention and conflict.
Despite nearly ten years of negotiations to implement Security Council resolution 435, Namibia continues to be illegally occupied by South Africa.
We call upon the Government of South Africa to adhere to its own pledge to implement without any further delay Security Council resolution 435.
There is no escaping the sombre nature of our assessment. But while the prospects for a negotiated solution appear far distant, we are convinced that it is only such early negotiations to end apartheid, involving the true representatives of the black population which can avert the descent into uncontainable catastrophe. We feel that an important step in that direction could be to encourage contact and dialogue between all races and groups within South Africa to increase understanding and allay fears, in particular those members of the white community who feel the need for assurances for the future.
We reiterate our earlier calls for the essential steps which need to be taken by the South African Government to create the conditions for meaningful negotiations, namely:
Terminating forthwith the state of emergency;
Releasing Nelson Mandela and all political prisoners;
Unbanning of ANC and all other political organizations;
Committing itself unequivocally to full and equal rights for all South Africans;
Eliminating press and media censorship;
Ceasing all violence against the non-white population.
Such measures are not only necessary as essential steps towards justice in South Africa but also as an indication that South Africa is willing to enter into negotiation in good faith. In the meantime, international efforts should be
undertaken to project a positive vision of a non-racial South Africa thereby alleviating fears and overcoming prejudices and through this to encourage a process of dialogue and peaceful change. We stand ready to co-operate in such an exercise.
Finally, we call for an organized effort by the media of the world to heighten public awareness and understanding everywhere about the tragedy evolving in South Africa and the dangers to peace it entails in the southern African area.
List of Special Invitees
Rev. Beyers Naude
Thabo Mbeki, Director for Publicity and Information, African National Congress
Wynand Malan, M.P., South Africa
Helen Suzman, M.P., South Africa
Colin Eglin, M.P., South Africa
Frederick van Zyl Slabbert, South Africa
Oskar Dhlomo, Secretary General, Inkatha Movement
Frank Mdlalose, National Chairman, Inkatha Movement
Mario da Graca Machungo, Prime Minister of Mozambique
Sam Nujoma, President, South-West African People's Organization (SWAPO)
Simba Makoni, Executive Secretary, Southern African Development Cooperation Conference, (SADCC)
Gibson Thula, Vice-Chairman, Kilimanjaro Coca-Cola Bottling Plant, South Africa
Rev. Stanley Mogoba, President, Institute of Race Relations Durban, South Africa
Rev. Stanley Mogoba, President, Institute of Race Relations Durban, South Africa
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